Just Because Merkel Should Cave Doesn’t Mean She Will

Eduardo Porter has a well-written and rational story up at the NYT, “Germany Will Pay Up To Save Euro.”  He writes convincingly about how letting the euro zone fall apart will be much more expensive and painful for Germany than saving it.  So he concludes that after holding out for the best terms she can, Merkel will cave.

Porter is intellectually focused on labor costs and export prices, but the Germans viscerally don’t want to bail out a bunch of foreigners whom they see as lazy and corrupt.  He’s arguing numbers on an issue that will be decided by emotion.  The Germans see themselves as the pig who built his house of bricks, and those who hurriedly built their houses of straw and twigs so they could party deserve to get eaten by the wolf.

If countries always did what made sense, we wouldn’t have had our housing crash, the government would have bailed out the sub-prime market and kept housing prices from imploding.  We’ve lost a helluva lot more national wealth than a housing fix would have cost.  And that was the American government refusing to help Americans, not Germany refusing to help a bunch of  racially inferior foreigners with their crappy non-Aryan genes.

The Great Unraveling

Yesterday the “risk premium” for ten-year Spanish bonds versus German bonds grew to 5.1%, the biggest difference since the euro was born.  The divide between Spain and Germany, and not just on bond rates, grows wider each day.

Solutions exist — euro-wide deposit insurance, like our FDIC, to stop bank runs; euro bonds as a parallel system to country-specific bonds that would offer lower interest rates, but also lower risk.  Merkel said they are studying euro bonds, but that’s like when we were small and our parents said, “We’ll see.”  “We’ll  see” always meant no.  Solutions delayed are simply solutions denied.

No one knows where or how this will end.  I think what we can predict is that economic events will overtake political leaders.

This is the moment before all hell breaks loose.  It’s frustrating to watch the moment slip away.  A controlled crisis is always better than an uncontrolled one.

 

The Fair Thing Isn’t Always the Right Thing

A “Grexit” may be the fair thing, but it may not be the right thing.  It may be cutting off the nose of Greece to spite Europe’s face.

From “The Fairness Trap,” James Surowiecki, The New Yorker:

“This [a Grexit] isn’t an outcome that anyone wants.  Even though a devalued currency would make Greece’s exports cheaper and attract tourists, it would do so at a terrible price, destroying huge amounts of wealth and seriously harming the country’s G.D.P.  It would be costly for the rest of Europe, too.  Greece owes almost half a trillion euros, and containing the damage would likely require the recapitalization of banks, continent-wide deposit insurance (to prevent bank runs), and more aid to Portugal, Spain, and Italy….  That’s a very high price to pay for getting rid of Greece, and much more expensive than letting it stay.

Rationally, then, this standoff should end with a compromise — relaxing some austerity measures, and giving Greece a little more aid and time to reform.  And we may still end up there.  But the catch is that Europe isn’t arguing just about what the most sensible economic policy is.  It’s arguing about what is fair.  German voters and politicians think it’s unfair to ask Germany to continue to foot the bill for countries that lived beyond their means and piled up huge debts they can’t repay.  They think it’s unfair to expect Germany to make an open-ended commitment to support these countries in the absence of meaningful reform.  But Greek voters are equally certain that it’s unfair for them to suffer years of slim government budgets and high unemployment in order to repay foreign banks and richer northern neighbors, which have reaped outsized benefits from closer European integration.  The grievances aren’t unreasonable, on either side, but the focus on fairness, by making it harder to reach any kind of agreement at all, could prove disastrous.

“The basic problem is that we care so much about fairness that we are often willing to sacrifice economic well-being to enforce it.

“You can see this in the way the U. S. has dealt with the foreclosure crisis.  Plenty of economists recommended giving mortgage relief to underwater homeowners, but that has not happened on any meaningful scale, in part because so many voters see it as unfair to those who are still obediently paying their mortgages.  Mortgage relief would almost certainly have helped all homeowners, not just underwater ones — by limiting the spillover impact of foreclosures on house price — but, still, the idea that some people would be getting something for nothing irritated voters.

“The fairness problem is exacerbated by the fact that our definitions of what counts as fair typically reflects…a ‘self-serving bias.’  You’d think that the Greeks’ resentment of austerity might be attenuated by the recognition of how much money Germany has already paid and how much damage was done by rampant Greek tax dodging.  Or Germans might acknowledge that their devotion to low inflation makes it much harder for struggling economies like Greece to start growing again.  Indeed, the self-serving bias leads us to define fairness in ways that redound to our benefit, and to discount information that might conflict with our perspective.  This effect is even more pronounced when bargainers don’t feel that they pare part of the same community — a phenomenon that psychologists call ‘social distance.’  The pervasive rhetoric that frames the conflict in terms of national stereotypes — hardworking, frugal Germans versus frivolous, corrupt Greeks, or tightfisted, imperialistic Germans versus freewheeling, independent Greeks — makes it all the more difficult to reach a reasonable compromise.

“From the perspective of society as a whole, concern with fairness has all kinds of benefits:  it limits exploitation, promotes meritocracy, and motivates workers.  But in a negotiation where neither side can have what it really wants, and where the least bad solution is as good as it gets, worrying too much about fairness can be suicidal.  To move Europe away from the brink, voters and politicians on all sides need to stop asking themselves what’s fair and start asking themselves what’s possible.”  Emphasis added.

 

 

The End of the Euro?

From “A Power Vacuum Is Choking the Euro Zone,” Tyler Cowen, NYT:

“Since December, the European Central Bank has lent more than a trillion euros to euro-zone banks, but that has bought no more than few months of peace.  It isn’t clear how much more can be done.  It probably is about time to judge the euro zone as a failed idea — and rarely is it wise to double down on failed ideas.

“What is most disturbing is that the euro-zone nations are democratic, protective of basic liberties, and have advanced intellectual and research communities.   The final lesson of this debacle is that smart nations with noble motives can make very big mistakes.  And that should concern us all.”

Leaders in Europe Ceding Control by Their Inacton

If Europe’s leaders don’t set policy at the top soon, the street is going to take over, and panic and fear will dictate events, not elected officials.

Spain is experiencing a run on its banks (either moving money from weak banks to stronger ones or out of the country entirely) that is only going to gain more momentum, and Spain’s deposit insurance system is bankrupt.  There is still time for Europe to offer European-wide deposit insurance that would quell this run before it becomes a full-blown panic.  Of course, Germany doesn’t want to do this.

European leaders have to decide if they want to cut Greece loose, but try to save other countries like Spain.  That’s the first decision.  Are you going to try to save everyone, are you going to try to save everyone but Greece, or are you going to let the whole thing go to hell?

Europe could offer euro-zone deposit insurance to everybody in the euro zone or dump Greece and offer it to the remaining countries.

Europe could offer euro-zone bonds guaranteeing countries’ debt to everybody or dump Greece and offer them to the remaining countries.

But Europe’s leaders are in a state of paralysis, which in itself is a form of decision-making, an abdication of control and responsibility.

Greece has become an excuse for not addressing the problems of other weak periphery countries, like Spain and Italy.  But ignoring these problems doesn’t make them go away.  Not deciding becomes a decision.

We saw what happened in this country when events overtook our leaders in September 2008, and our entire financial system was brought to the brink of collapse.  We saw Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson go down on his knees, begging Nancy Pelosi to stay in bailout talks after the Republicans walked out.  For Paulson, the arrogant former head of Goldman Sachs and the quintessential Master of the Universe, to be brought to such a shocking state tells you how close we came to tipping over the edge, how close we came to another depression.

Europe is on its knees, and Angela Merkel is on her way out of the room.

Germany Is Leading Europe Off a Cliff

Predictions for 2012 are all over the map, but one area where there is consensus is that Europe is heading for a recession.*  The question is how deep it will be and how much it will affect the U. S. (and President Obama’s re-election).

The Europeans are grimly following Germany’s Angela Merkel off the cliff of austerity, rather than using short-term stimulus to promote growth, which will lead to further contraction of economies in Greece, Italy and Spain.

I agree 110% with Charles Wyplosz, an economics professor in Geneva:  “We’re going straight into a wall with this kind of policy.  It’s sheer madness.”

I also agree with Julian Callow, the chief European economist for Barclays, when he talks about the wimpiness of the European Central Bank:  “Europe is going about this the hard way.  It’s not really using the central bank to alleviate these pressures in a dominant way.”

Once again, Germany is messing with the rest of Europe and with us.  Obama has more to fear from the Germans than the Republicans.

*See “Austerity Reigns Over Euro Zone As Crisis Deepens,” by Nelson D. Schwartz, NYT

The Fourth Reich?

Angela Merkel is saying that the answer to Europe’s debt crisis is “not less Europe but more.”  More Europe really means more Germany telling other euro zone members what to do and how to run their governments.  We’ve seen this movie before in 1870, 1914, and 1939.

It was a tad insensitive of Merkel to say that Europe is facing “the most difficult hours since World War II.”  Um, whose fault were all those “difficult hours” under the Nazis?

I don’t think we have to worry about “more Europe.”  Ain’t gonna happen.  But the shift to less Europe won’t be pretty.